Enlargement to the East, and to the Western Balkans, is a geostrategic imperative and will require reforms on both sides, writes Paulo Rangel.
As the competition to secure the economic and strategic benefits of space intensifies, Europe cannot afford to be sidelined. With the reshuffle of the European Union’s top jobs later this year, appointing a Space Commissioner would be a powerful signal, writes Arthur de Liedekerke.
The European Parliament will vote on the EU Council’s 2022 financial discharge during the last plenary session of this term, starting next week. Is the Council holding its breath? Not at all.
The parliamentary questions system operated by the European Parliament is a pale imitation of the traditional PQ system, is extraordinarily bureaucratic, operates at a snail’s pace, and produces responses that would not be tolerated in other parliaments, writes Dick Roche.
Editorialists can sometimes feel bad if they read columns they wrote a couple of years ago or even a couple of months ago. I start today's Brief with this disclaimer.
The history of EU integration is littered with examples of leaders using creative thinking to work around the bloc’s awkward members when unanimity is urgently needed to move ahead.
The Wayback Machine is a digital archive of the World Wide Web founded by a nonprofit based in San Francisco. Created in 1996, it allows the user to go "back in time" to see how websites looked in the past.
Any journalist working in and around the EU knows that receiving jargon-riddled press releases is a frustrating but inevitable hazard of the job.
England may be out of the EU, but English has not gone anywhere. If anything, its position as the first language in Brussels is more entrenched than ever. This has long been a sore point for some French officials.
No one could accuse members of the European Parliament of lacking ambition in cajoling EU leaders into reopening the EU treaties.
Polish opposition leader and potential future prime minister Donald Tusk arrived in Brussels on Wednesday to discuss the chance to launch the nation’s recovery money, frozen due to the rule of law concerns in Poland. Piotr Maciej Kaczyński and Dariusz Dybka explain the stakes.
Analyse this: On 6 June, we will vote in the European elections. And on 1 July, Hungary will take over the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU, giving a big role to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán just when the top EU jobs for the next five years will be decided.
Rumours are swirling that the European Commission is close to tabling a new law that targets lobbying and Russian and Chinese influence as part of its ‘Defence of Democracy’ programme.
The EU's General Affairs Council will discuss on 19 September whether Catalan should become an official language of the bloc. This is a great opportunity to correct the serious historical anomaly of millions of European citizens whose linguistic rights are still not guaranteed on equal terms, writes Pere Aragonès.
It is a bit slow around Schuman these days, isn't it? Yet the clock on this European Commission has already started ticking.
Spain’s request to expand the list of official EU languages to include those formally recognised in Spain - Basque, Catalan, and Galician - has prompted scorn from some quarters of Brussels, who fret about adding to the EU’s Tower-of-Babel administration.
When a legislative mandate starts drawing to a close, politicians start positioning themselves ahead of elections, bureaucrats in political offices start landing new posts, and leaders start thinking about their next move.
Don’t change the rules if you expect others to stick to them. This old adage could well be applied to the ongoing debate about whether Hungary should be allowed to chair the EU Council Presidency next year. Because, if the EU changes the rules overnight, why should it expect Hungary to stick to them?
Qualified majority voting could become a bulwark against Russia and Poland should lead the movement towards it, writes Pierre Haroche.
Since the 2019 EU elections, political debate in Athens has, for the first time, been more focused on Brussels than domestic politics. One might think that Greek public opinion has taken on a fresh passion for EU affairs, but unfortunately, …
To repair the reputational damage caused by the Qatargate scandal, the European Parliament needs specific integrity measures, a checks and balances system, more transparency in the decision-making process at the level of all institutions, and stronger rules to regulate lobbying, writes Victor Negrescu.
Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni, also ECR Party President, picked Brussels for her first official visit abroad, unlike her predecessors who have generally flown to Washington. According to some, this may appear in tension with her political vision centered on Italy’s national interest, you will find that not to be.
Regulators should be mindful of the limitations of the European Central Bank's (ECB) climate stress test, and beware of a too-big-to-fail scenario once climate risks start materialising, argues Julia Symon.
The European Central Bank (ECB) risks the fragmentation and collapse of the eurozone if it tightens its monetary policy by selling government bonds. That is why it should look towards restricting the money supply by increasing the capital requirements for banks, write Leonardo Becchetti and Guido Cozzi.
